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Lawrence was doing in the Arabian desert in the first place. Fortunately, people can now turn to an outstanding book that will provide them with the full historical and political background - and much more. On a still larger scale, the book concerns the political origins of the present- day Middle East. It concludes with the piecemeal territorial settlements of 1. David Fromkin rises to the challenge. He combines the adventure of Alan Moorehead's ''White Nile'' with the drama of Barbara Tuchman's ''Guns of August.'' It would be an exaggeration to say that ''A Peace to End All Peace'' succeeds as well as those popular classics - indeed, it has a major flaw - but it rivals them. Fromkin is a nonacademic historian (an international lawyer, in fact, though one would never guess it from his straightforward narrative style). Sometimes it requires an outsider to make the work of academic historians comprehensible to a general audience. 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Title: End Of All Peace PDF Author: Dean Barrows Subject: Free Download End Of All Peace PDF Keywords: Get Instant Access End Of All Peace PDF Created Date: 20160701230311Z. And sometimes there are subjects about which so much has been written that one needs a single book to sum up everything cogently yet not simplistically. Fromkin scores on both points. Drawing on a vast number of specialized studies that have never before been satisfactorily synthesized, he is the right person at the right time. During the First World War this grand 1. Great Game,'' reached its climax; partly in fear of expansion by its wartime ally, Russia, Britain forged alliances with the Arabs, encouraging them to revolt against their Turkish rulers. Among the reasons for Mr. Fromkin's success is the breadth of his vision, which takes the reader deep into areas normally not associated with the Middle East. Nevertheless, the Turkish and Russian parts of the story are effectively told, with the help of such work as that of Richard Ullman on Britain and the Russian Revolution. Fromkin successfully relates as well how the wartime competition between Britain and France over Syria, Lebanon and Palestine became part of the Great Game. Sir Edmund Allenby marched into Jerusalem on Dec. Palestine to British occupation, hopes were raised in several Government offices throughout London that French claims in the area might be minimized. From the time of the outbreak of hostilities in 1. Lord Kitchener, Britain's Secretary of State for War, aimed to obstruct the possible expansion of Russia into the Middle East. The Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, once likened Kitchener to ''a great revolving lighthouse.'' Sometimes, he said, Kitchener's intellect would project light, then there would be sudden darkness. He might have added that on the subject of Russian aggrandizement, the beam never shut off. He had a tendency to exaggerate. In 1. 91. 8 he said, ''The great power from whom we have most to fear in. If we cannot get out of our difficulties in any other way we ought to play self- determination for all it is worth wherever we are involved in difficulties with the French, the Arabs, or anybody else, and leave the case to be settled by that final argument knowing in the bottom of our hearts that we are more likely to benefit from it than anybody else.''. Not surprisingly, Mr. Fromkin characterizes British promises to the Arabs as ''sheer dishonesty.'' He says, for example, the Arab Bureau in Cairo ''did not believe that Arabs were capable of self- government,'' that behind the ''fac,ade'' of Arab self- rule would be indirect British rule. In 1. 91. 7 the British promised the Jews a national home in Palestine, while simultaneously assuring the Palestinian Arabs that the pledge would not be carried out at their expense. The Great Game was once again a key reason. According to Philip Kerr, secretary and adviser to the Prime Minister, a Jewish Palestine was considered ''a bridge between Africa, Asia and Europe on the road to India.'' (Other historians have pointed out that the Balfour Declaration was also designed to protect the Suez Canal. Fromkin seems not to have read Michael Cohen's ''Churchill and the Jews,'' for example, where Curzon is quoted as asking in 1. Has not the whole history of the War shown us . His attitude should not be taken as hypocritical. Unlike most of his colleagues in the British Cabinet, who had been trained in Greek and Latin classics, the Prime Minister had been brought up on the Bible. He once said, in the words of I Samuel 1. Holy Land only to ''hew it in pieces before the Lord.'' Lloyd George also believed that Palestine ''must be one and indivisible to renew its greatness as a living entity.'' All that did not prevent him from shrewdly foreseeing Britain's future in Palestine: ''We shall be there by conquest and shall remain,'' he predicted. Among the more obscure pieces of the puzzle is Sir Mark Sykes, the mastermind behind the redrawing of the boundaries of the Middle East and therefore, in a sense, the man most responsible for ''creating the modern Middle East.'' Mr. Fromkin has brought this relatively unknown statesman to light, making excellent use of the work of such scholars as Roger Adelson. Before the war, Sykes was one of the few members of Parliament who had traveled widely in the Middle East. He served as the Middle East expert to Kitchener and later to the War Cabinet secretariat. His goal, opposed by some anti- French members of the Government, was the construction of a French buffer zone in Lebanon and Syria as a sort of Chinese Great Wall that would prevent Russian penetration into the Middle East, just as the British, seeking to consolidate their Middle East holdings after World War II, welcomed American influence in Greece and Turkey as a check against Soviet expansion. Cautioning the reactionaries in the British Cabinet against treating the Middle East as another India, he warned: ''If you work from India you have all the old traditions of black and white, and you can not run the Arabs on black and white lines.'' Lawrence, similarly, wrote in 1. My own ambition is that the Arabs should be our first brown dominion, and not our last brown colony.'' Mr. Fromkin does not do justice, in my opinion, to Lawrence's quirky brilliance, yet he does reduce the legend of ''Lawrence of Arabia'' to historical reality. Fromkin takes a jaundiced view of the romantic interpretation of Lawrence as the liberator of the Arabs, describing him as ''a teller of fantastic tales whom the American showman Lowell Thomas transformed into 'Lawrence of Arabia.' ''. One part of the jigsaw does not quite fit, Mr. Fromkin's insistence on Winston Churchill's central role in his story. He writes in the introduction, ''Churchill, above all, presides over the pages of this book: a dominating figure whose genius animated events and whose larger- than- life personality colored and enlivened them.'' Elsewhere, he seeks to demonstrate Churchill's contribution to the cause of Zionism, and indeed to resolving all the problems of the Middle Eastern settlement following the war. Fromkin points out, the consistently pro- Zionist Churchill warned an Arab delegation: ''The British Government mean to carry out the Balfour Declaration. I have told you so again and again. I told you so at Jerusalem. I told you so at the House of Commons the other day. They mean to carry out the Balfour Declaration. They do.''. Yet the theme of Churchill's centrality during the war cannot be sustained. He makes a major appearance at the beginning of the book, shortly before the war, and at the time of the Dardanelles campaign in 1. Middle Eastern context until he becomes Colonial Secretary in 1. Though committed to the Zionist cause, he was not a member of the War Cabinet in 1. Middle Eastern issues during the time of the British intervention in the Russian civil war following World War I, he did not participate in the decisions being made about the Middle East itself. In fact, Churchill himself once observed that Curzon was ''as responsible as any man alive for the promises that were given to the Jews and to the Arabs.''. It is important to get Churchill right, not only in the Middle East but also in the spirit of the time. In my own view, he was a throwback to an earlier age. He formed his attitudes toward Indians and other dependent peoples in the British Empire during the Victorian era and he never abandoned his early ideas, once writing in characteristic vein that the Egyptians were no more than degraded savages. He did not believe that the Arabs even in a thousand years could bring modern technology to Palestine. He imposed a Victorian sense of administrative parsimony at the Colonial Office, cutting costs by trying to rule the Middle East with armored cars, airplanes and machine guns. In the act for which he will probably always be remembered in the Middle East, he decided not to encourage the building of a Jewish national home on both sides of the Jordan River, and established instead the separate state to the east known today as Jordan. It is therefore curious that Mr. Fromkin writes, emphasizing the point with italics, that ''British policy- makers imposed a settlement upon the Middle East in 1. Not so. Churchill's own words indicate the contrary. As Colonial Secretary in 1. Palestinian Arabs that a national home for the Jews in Palestine ''will be good for the world, good for the Jews, good for the British Empire.'' He added that it would also be ''good for the Arabs who dwell in Palestine.'' This was still an age of great confidence. To read pessimism or defeat in the ideas of the British at this time is the flaw of this book. It is to project the post- World War II spirit into an earlier era. Fromkin's overall achievement. It merely reinforces the axiom that a worthy book can be based on a misguided premise. A Peace to End All Peace: The Fall of the Ottoman Empire and the Creation of the Modern Middle East. OTPIC Officially Retired. As of December 2, 2. Online Training Program on Intractable Conflict (OTPIC) has been officially retired, and is no longer open to new registrations. The successor to OTPIC is a course called Dealing Constructively with Intractable Conflicts (DCIC). The new curriculum is built around one of our major projects, Beyond Intractability, and offers a much more extensive and informative set of learning materials than that available through OTPIC. Conflict Research Consortium BOOK SUMMARY. Citation: Fromkin, David. A Peace to End All Peace: The Fall of the Ottoman Empire and the Creation of the Modern Middle East. New York: Henry Holt and Co. Fromkin's study focuses heavily on British policy- making as the decisive force in shaping the region. What becomes apparent, however, is that they were anything but decisive. Fromkin's history emphasizes the lack of British intelligence on the condition of the Ottoman Empire and the sentiment of their subjects. For example, the British were certain that Arabs would welcome the opportunity to live under a British protectorate rather than under the Ottomans. In fact, there was little interest on the part of Arabs to be ruled by Christians. We also get a detailed view of British domestic and institutional politics. Official British policy vis- . As a result of all of this, by the end of World War I, a tangled mix of promises, both implicit and explicit, made it nearly impossible to create a stable region as the promises were largely incompatible. Once World War I began, there was little interest on the part of the British in opening a southern front. In the 'Great Game' mentality, the Ottoman Empire was a useful buffer between the British and the Russians. However, the course of the war led to a gradual evolution in British thinking on the desire to preserve the Ottoman Empire and the relative weight of long- term distrust of Russia versus a current necessary ally in the war. As already suggested, British politics figure prominently in shaping the Middle East. We see how personalities clashed and bureaucratic politics shaped perceptions (often incorrect) of the situation in the Middle East. Early on, the Secretary of State for War, Kitchener, being a commander with perceived expertise in the Middle East was not questioned. Initially reluctant to dilute resources from the Western front, the book chronicles how the British stumbled into attacking the Ottoman Empire. We see the internal debates that went on as to the wisdom of invading the Dardanelles. Faith in Kitchener would lead the British Cabinet to keep the troops in Gallipoli for far too long. The narrative also reveals how different interests prevailed in London and the colonial centers of Cairo and India, which led to misunderstanding and deception. As an illustration of Britain's poor intelligence in the region, we learn of Muhammed Sharif al- Faruqi, who emerged in 1. British as a voice of the Arabs and Emir Hussein in particular. Al- Faruqi promised help in a British victory. Little is known about him, but Britain's dealings with al- Faruqi led to a complete change in planning for the postwar Middle East and the role France, Russia, and the Arabs would play in it. Ultimately, the misunderstandings or deception between the British and al- Faruqi had lasting consequences essentially up to the present. A dance ensued in British relations with the Arabs in which they intimated independence if the Arabs helped in the war effort, but what was really meant was British dominion. The Arabs, in turn, promised support for the British that they were in no position to provide. In the year from autumn 1. Allied powers (Britain, France, and Russia) had a change of government. In all cases, the new governments had very different ideas about the Middle East than had their predecessors. David Lloyd George became prime minister looking much more covetously at the Middle East. Shortly thereafter, Georges Clemenceau became premier of France. Historically, he had felt negatively about colonial expansion believing that France had overextended herself in the late 1. Germans. Perhaps most dramatic, the Russian revolution led to Russia pulling out of the war. To compound this, German attacks propelled the United States into the war on the side of the Allies. Woodrow Wilson's personal beliefs in self- determination drove him to support independence for the peoples of the Middle East. The ambiguity of language permitted the British to agree with Wilson, when in fact they intended to maintain a protectorate. In a parallel development, for a range of moral, religious, and political reasons, the British government adopted the Zionist cause. As the Allied victory in World War I became more likely, at least in the Middle East, the dishonesty with which the Allies and their Arab allies, treated each other became apparent. Each sought to position themselves to gain the most in the Middle East after the war. This was to continue as the peace was being constructed. Britain's David Lloyd George attempted to play Woodrow Wilson's idealistic self- determination against French, Italian, and Greek desires for territorial gain in the former Ottoman Empire. Economic crisis and demands for demobilization by the rank- and- file and the public, however, sapped Britain's strength. At the same time, from late 1. Middle East from Egypt in the west to Afghanistan in the east. As a result of these developments, Britain was more open to French involvement and greater devolution to local populations. In particular, Britain helped Feisal and Abdullah of the House of Hashem as the rulers of Iraq and Transjordan respectively and the House of Saud on the Arabian peninsula assert their authority over territories to which they personally had little historical connection. 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Course Objective: To provide you with all the needed tools to become an effective wellness coach, and increase revenue with included business training. Approvals and Recognition: ISSA 1. CEUs, Spencer Institute 2. CEUs, NESTA 2. 0 CEUs, MMACA 2. CEUs, ITCA 2. 0 CEUs. Recertification Requirements: Certification is valid for (2) two years. You are required to complete 2. CEUs (continuing education credits) to keep your certification valid. Please review the 2- Year Recertification Guide for further details. Learning Format: Online access of materials including training videos. Once you register, you will be given immediate access to begin your studies. You can test when you are ready. The entire course is now compatible on i. Phone, Android, i. Pad or any hand held tablet, laptop or desktop. The only special technology you will need is an Adobe Reader. Download Adobe Reader for. Results are known immediately. Retest Fee: $9. 5 retest fee applies if the passing requirement is not met at the end of the third. The average student can complete the course if they dedicate approximately 2. Find First and Second Biggest In An Array, Without Sorting It: Chttp: //technotip. C finding second largest number in an array. C find the 2 largest numbers and 2 smallest numbers in float array. Calculating Prime numbers using arrays. C program to find the second largest element in an array. Write a c program to find out second smallest element of an unsorted array. FIND OUT SECOND LARGEST NUMBER IN AN UNSORTED ARRAY USING C PROGRAM. Here is the C++ program to find largest and second largest number in a 2d. 12 Second largest number:8 You May Also Like:C Program to Find Largest and. C++ program to find largest and second largest number in a 2d array. Write an efficient C program to find smallest and second smallest element in an array.
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January 2017
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